The challenges of being Asian in a Western World
Author: Ying Ying Guo & Olivia Yin | National Affairs Officers
In recent times, animosity towards Asian communities in the Western world has surged following the emergence of COVID-19 and the subsequent anti-Asian rhetoric endorsed by prominent political figures within the public sphere. During 2020, the number of anti‐Asian hate crimes reported to the police in America's largest cities spiked by a staggering 149%.
Yet, this shocking statistic is severely understated and fails to tell the full story concerning the severe underreporting of these racially charged crimes. The number of reported cases runs well into the thousands within the US alone, yet, an estimated 8 in every 10 incidents of anti-Asian violence never reach authorities. Further, a significant proportion of these are suspected to affect the vulnerable elderly community, who have no other means of defending themselves.
Perhaps the one silver living that has arisen from this deeply saddening context is that the voice of Asians has been given a renewed platform, thanks to the influential role of social media in raising awareness for social justice. In light of the increase in both the reported and anecdotal accounts of Asian hate over the past year, the spotlight has been turned on discourse surrounding challenges in Asian perspectives.
There is, of course, a plethora of contributing factors deeply rooted in both the history of Western and Asian society which have cultivated this image of silence and acquiescence spanning across generations of Asians living in Western countries. As a disclaimer, this article is by no means going to pinpoint every single one of them nor represent all individual experiences.
Nonetheless, we have identified some predominant constituents to this overarching issue of Asian hate and the perpetual cycle that continues to threaten Asian communities in countries like Australia and the US, giving rise to two paramount questions: What are the cultural and social barriers preventing Asians from speaking up about their struggles, and what can we do about them?
A history of docility, politeness and ‘saving face’
It is no secret that Asians, primarily from East Asia, are taught from a young age to be polite and obedient in the presence of others, whether they be extended family, friends or even strangers. Around the dinner table, it is deeply frowned upon to talk about anything politically or socially controversial, and when talking to outsiders, it is unacceptable to be direct or confronting.
The enculturation process of this norm in Asian culture stems from the concept of ‘saving face’ which places emphasis on honour, social standing and reputation (i.e. the importance of how others view you). For Asians, the ‘loss of face’ unravels the delicate fabric of social relationships; it brings dishonour and shame onto oneself and their family. To ‘save face’ is a concept that has encapsulated Asian culture for centuries and was so deeply embedded into the fabric of society that it has carried on well into the present. Staying silent has long been seen as the solution for ‘saving face’; it eliminates the potential for hostility and shows others that one has manners and respect. It is more convenient and honourable than to openly admit mistakes or deal with real issues. In comparison to their Western counterparts, who are generally more comfortable with displaying discord and speaking up when they disagree with something, Asians are configured to stay quiet and unassertive in any type of social situation to maintain this socially constructed notion of ‘face’.
From the mid-1850s, Asians began migrating to Western countries such as the US and Australia, bringing with them this stifling culture of compliance and subsequently bestowing it onto their descendents. However, in a foreign land where they are the minority, this culture of silence is not easily translated and accepted. In the face of conflict, Asians tend to stay quiet and when the conflict is charged straight at them, they remain this way. No matter the degree of abuse - both verbal and physical - they have been taught to self-silence and teach those same values to their children. This ouroboric cycle has manifested itself into the dark pit of humiliation and ignominy that the majority of Asians living in Western societies in the 21st century face on a daily basis when it comes to dealing with racism and abuse, and with generations of solidification (through parents teaching their children the same lessons and values they were taught), it is not a cycle that is easily broken.
The hidden menace of the model minority myth
Asians remain by and large the ethnic group most viewed by society as the 'model minority'. This term was coined in 1966, touting Asian success stories following the aftermath of the US government's highly politicised campaign to exclusively recruit skilled immigrants.
The dominant narrative of the model minority myth labels Asians as a hard-working and docile racial group that has achieved financial and educational success superior to other minorities (Kasinitz, 2008). However, the very assumption that Asians reach a higher level of economic success is questionable when one considers that Asian Americans are the most economically divided racial group in the United States, a nation where wealth inequality is no doubt already a very prevalent issue without racial stratification.
Looking beyond the flaws in the underlying assertions upon which the model minority myth is predicated, there lies a more pressing problem; although on the surface it appears to praise Asians for their stereotyped diligence, at its core, it is not so much of an accolade as it is a double-edged sword.
In the context of the workplace, the notion of the 'bamboo ceiling' illustrates the duplicity of seemingly positive characteristics attributed to Asians. Referring to the barrier which prevents Asians from climbing further up the corporate ladder once they reach a certain point, the 'bamboo ceiling' metaphor is substantiated by the reality that Australian-Asians only hold 1.9% of senior leadership positions in ASX 200 companies despite comprising 9.3% of the Australian labour force. On one hand, the model minority myth views Asians as the archetype of a polite and conscientious worker who complies with all instructions, which could explain their high representation in entry-level and mid-level jobs in Australian businesses. On the other hand, the flip side of this stereotype is that Australian-Asians supposedly lack the 'risk-taking' traits and outspoken personality that their Caucasian counterparts possess, which would make them more competent leaders.
It is these such prevailing stereotypes about Asians - hard-working, economically prosperous, submissive to authority - which hide the many issues that lie underneath and distort the reality that there exists deeply rooted anti-Asian racism. It manifests as the verbal microaggressions experienced by Asians in their everyday life, and escalates to violent hate crimes such as the Atlanta shooting which saw eight Asian women murdered in March of 2021.
Thus, the hidden menace of the model minority myth can be categorised under three main harms:
It renders invisible those within the Asian community who do not reach the same level of success;
It fosters resentment and conflict by creating a 'racial wedge' which pits minority groups against each other, and above all;
It perpetuates the norm that Asians do not and should not speak up when dealing with difficulties - for they 'have it better than everyone else'.
Essentially, the model minority myth masks many of the struggles faced by Asians, whilst acting as passive reinforcement to downplay the acts of racism they experience, regardless of the degree of severity . When taken into account with the cultural factors of 'saving face' and an upbringing emphasising collectivist values like social harmony over individualistic ones, it can be seen that Asians are confronted by incredibly high barriers when it comes to expressing their struggles. Even in the instances when they choose to do so, they are often not taken seriously by society. Consequently, it is no surprise that this form of suppression and silent shame takes its toll on Asians. Mental health illnesses continue to be heavily stigmatised in Asian cultures, and this is partly compounded by the pressure of the model minority myth which would see mental illnesses as a weakness that lets down the entire community.
Dismantling the status quo
Moving forward, if we are to overcome the barriers that prevent Asians from speaking out and seek to reduce systematic racism, it is imperative that we begin by deconstructing the model minority myth. This is a myth that affects not only how society perceives Asians, but also how Asians perceive themselves too, against a backdrop of the deeply entrenched notion of ‘saving face’.
Given the monolithic nature of prejudice and discrimination, which are founded on deeply rooted stereotypes about social groups, one place to start would be to seek and promote counter-stereotypical information to actively revoke subconscious biases we have. To do this, it is essential that society starts from the ground up; whether it be in day-to-day life by calling out the subtle comments that preserve illusory correlations formulated about Asians, or in the media by advocating for a more diverse representation which goes beyond type-casting Asian actors as the nerd or martial artist.
Ultimately, the toxic cycle of racism and xenophobia against Asian communities is something that has pervaded Western societies for too long. It has been made abundantly clear that we must begin to break free from the chains that constrain Asian voice. Whilst that may be challenging with the deeply rooted culture of compliance in Asians, addressing the problem at its core is a stepping stone for a better world for our Asian communities.
Reference:
Kasinitz, P. (2008). Becoming American, Becoming Minority, Getting Ahead: The Role of Racial and Ethnic Status in the Upward Mobility of the Children of Immigrants. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 620, 173-6.